Who Is In the Streets of Iran?

I pick up the phone and dial my friend. I call her every day and I am embarrassed that she will think I am overreacting.

She answers. I ask her if she has any updates on Iran's protests or has heard from her family. She is older than I am, and she saw the 1979 revolution, so she tells me about the similarities and differences she sees. We conclude that the current protests are not a revolution or a public coup. These people stunning the world with their presence in the streets of Tehran and other cities are not looking to overthrow their government. The recent unrest in Iran is a simple cry of the nation for a fair presidential election and justice for the blood shed during last week's demonstrations.

Who are the protesters? To answer this question in detail, I managed to chat last Friday with a friend in my hometown of Isfahan. She had just gotten a few moments to use the heavily filtered Internet. Isfahan's population of 1.5 million people (the 3rd largest in Iran) is divided between more conservative, religious residents and students attending one of its several universities.

My friend said that mostly young people and those who voted for the reformist candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi are in the streets. Like many, my friend joined these protesters even though she did not participate in the election, pulled by a concern to unite with fellow citizens in troubling times. She said that witnessing the brutal and murderous violence against protesters has enraged some enough to participate in protests despite political differences with Mousavi.

My contacts in Iran have also described protesters being joined by their parents, whose generation saw the 1979 revolution and passed their stories and pride on to their children. During the revolution, the death of protesters in different cities often led to more public gatherings as people came together to mourn. People of different political parties and religious affiliations participated in overthrowing the unpopular king, Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.

Other groups have a longer history of protest. Some who support Mir Hossein Mousavi also fought in Iranian fronts or are related to martyrs and veterans of the Iran-Iraq war. For these people, defending the path of martyrs is the same as defending democracy, which they believe has been under attack since the highly suspect re-election of Ahmadinejad.

In the past week of protests, eyewitnesses have complained about the violence committed by individuals dressed as Basiji. These are paramilitary hardline supporters of Ahmadinejad but do not wear the official uniform of police or military forces, and they have reportedly beat people with sticks and pipes, even employing firearm attacks. A story by Colin Freeman, chief foreign correspondent of The Sunday Telegraph of London contrasts these violent Basij attackers with reports about "good" Basiji who "bear the scars" of war against Iraq and have formed special groups to support reforms in Iran. Both types of Basiji can be seen on the streets of Iran, either protesting or clashing with the protesters.

Besides the Basiji, who is fighting the protesters? The most visible group in photographs is riot police in uniforms. Holding shields and batons, they attack crowds and sometimes throw tear gas at the protesters. These groups are often assisted by regular police and Basiji in plain clothing (see this TNR slideshow for more on Iran's enforcers). However, it has not been rare to see members of police try to help the protesters or protect them against individuals without uniforms. Eyewitness accounts of police preventing harm to protesters have been reported several times on Persian TV and radio newscasts that I have heard. Cracking the will of street enforcers on a wide scale would clearly be a key turning point in pressuring the current regime.

Iranian women have received international attention as they attend protests alongside men in Iran (in some cases, even urging on less enthusiastic men), energized by the promise of increased rights and other social and political gains. Women in conservative black Islamic clothing, known as Chador, in full make-up, or in green headscarves revealing lots of hair have been attending rallies and protests. During the massive protest on Thursday, June 18 in Tehran, many pictures showed women holding banners and photos of other women who have been killed or injured.

What can we expect next? Such a turnout of Iranian people has been a rarity in the political history of the country since the 1979 revolution. They are inspiring events for many, and while some argue that the movement lacks a central and charismatic leader like Ayatollah Khomeini, I believe that Iranian citizens are learning to organize and practice democracy in important ways.

Yet it seems that the Iranian protesters are not presently concerned about the distant future as much as the immediate annulment of the election and the violence being committed by their government. Talking to my Iranian friends inside and outside of the country, monitoring their Facebook pages and Persian blogs, it is clear to me that a sense of betrayal is a primary driver of the movement. Ayatollah Khamenei, who is known for crushing political and social unrest in Iran, shocked the reformist candidates and their followers by separating himself from them. For now, the reformers' main goal is to prove that they cannot be suppressed.

More sweeping reconciliation and change may require much more time. I can only hope that it won't require more blood from the diverse but united people in the streets.