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    A Final Word On NY-23

    Posted:
    11/9/09
    Rarely has a special-election for a congressional seat attracted so much media attention, drama and money.

    NY-23, a largely rural congressional district in upstate New York bordering Canada, has been a Republican stronghold for well over 100 years, yet last Tuesday it voted in a Democratic congressman, Bill Owens. The final results gave Owens 49 percent of the vote to Conservative candidate Doug Hoffman's 45 percent. The Republican candidate, Dede Scozzafava, who dropped out of the race just before the election and then endorsed Owens, claimed 5 percent.

    The pundits have exploded trying to spin the meaning of this race. Frank Rich of The New York Times argued that the tea-party movement, the grass-roots conservatives who threw their support to Hoffman, consisted of "Stalinists" trying to purge their own party and that "set off nothing less than a riotous and bloody national G.O.P. civil war.'' Rich concluded: "No matter what the results in that race on Tuesday, the Republicans are the sure losers."

    Politics Daily's Jill Lawrence asked whether ''a local election got hijacked by ideologues with a national agenda."

    Scott Rasmussen wrote that the race was now more typical of the national debate between conservatives and liberals, rather than Republicans vs. Democrats.
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    Robert Shrum triumphantly declared that the conservative movement is embroiled in "anger and vituperation" over moderates, and that "win or lose on Tuesday, Republicans lose."

    Democrats and liberals may see the result in NY-23 -- the election of a Democrat in an overwhelmingly Republican district -- as evidence that the tea-party movement is only going to destroy the Republican Party's chances of victory in subsequent elections.

    But both parties need to see it differently.

    Dede Scozzafava was no moderate Republican, but one who may even have been more liberal than Owens. (Markos Moulitsas, head of the liberal Daily Kos blog, initially backed her as the "most liberal candidate").

    Ann Coulter reminded her readers that there was "absolutely nothing Republican about Scozzafava," and that "conservative opposition to Scozzafava hardly suggests that they plan to impose litmus tests on every Republican candidate in the 2010 elections." Indeed, Coulter points out that conservatives are more popular than Republicans.

    While this writer supports the big-tent philosophy of Republicanism, Scozzafava was perhaps a bit too liberal. While she had the backing of the National Rifle Association, she supports abortion rights and gay marriage. She signed a no-tax increase pledge but has voted for tax increases when budget discipline demanded it. Michelle Malkin summed it up best: "It would be one thing if Scozzafava balanced that social liberalism with fiscal conservatism." But Scozzafava also has a record of voting repeatedly for tax increases and Democratic budgets, supported the Obama stimulus plan, has shown a willingness to vote for Obamacare, has a cozy relationship with ACORN, supports union/labor friendly legislation like card-check (she has received 100% ratings from the AFL-CIO), and has embraced the banner of the NY Working Families Party, which is focused on middle-class families and labor unions.

    Is it any surprise that the conservative movement flipped out that such a candidate was running as a Republican?

    It's somewhat remarkable that within one week of Sarah Palin's endorsement, Doug Hoffman, who didn't even live in the district, was able to surge from a remote third place to garnering 45 percent of the vote after receiving a massive influx of cash and campaign support from the conservative movement.

    Roger Simon from Pajamas Media argued that Hoffman lost because he paid too much attention to the social issues, not the fiscal ones, and urged Republicans in the future to avoid that path.

    To those Democrats who represent conservative districts and are wondering what signs to pull from NY-23, here are a few ideas to consider:

    First, what if the conservatives had found a stronger candidate than Doug Hoffman, who had little grasp of local issues and failed to impress the media editorial boards? Would that have swung enough votes to allow the conservative coup d'etat in NY-23 to succeed?

    Second, what if the conservative movement had had more time to prepare? If Hoffman received that much support in one week, would the outcome have been different if he had had one month? One year?

    The 2009 cycle may have caught the conservative movement by surprise, but you can be certain the 2010 midterms won't.



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    Andrew Clark

    Andrew Clark is a junior at George Washington University in Washington, D.C. double majoring in political communications and public policy...more

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